The Brazilian writer and political commentator Olavo de Carvalho did something unprecedented in the history of world journalism. All by himself, against the Brazilian government, the university establishment, and the entire Brazilian and American mainstream media, and even against prestigious international institutions like the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), he insistently denounced, for years and years uninterruptedly, the subversive activities of the largest, most powerful, and most ambitious Communist organization in Latin America, the São Paulo Forum, whose existence everyone insistently denied and claimed to be a figment of the journalist’s fierce imagination, despite the extensive documentation about it he made available to the public. Against all odds, Olavo de Carvalho came out as the winner in this arm wrestling competition when the founder of the Forum, the former Brazilian president Luis Inácio Lula da Silva, and not long afterwards, the members of his party executive, publicly admitted the existence and activities of that international organization, whose existence nobody else has since then dared to deny.
Over sixteen years, by virtue of the media’s unanimous obstinacy, the Brazilian, the American, and part of the South American public were purposely kept in total ignorance of the existence of that organization, which was founded in 1990 by the then Brazilian presidential candidate Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva with the support of Fidel Castro, and which claimed that its goals were to restore the Communist movement, “to reconquer in Latin America what has been lost in Eastern Europe,” and to establish, on the southern continent, a base from where al Qaeda and other terrorist organizations could launch all kinds of operations against the United States.
In 2001 Olavo de Carvalho began to denounce the activities of the Forum, based on vast documentation collected by a friend of his, the now deceased attorney José Carlos Graça Wagner. Also in that same year, Graça Wagner himself, already in his old age, was interviewed about the São Paulo Forum by the Miami-based newspaper Diario Las Americas, and previously, in 1997, he had delivered a speech about the organization at the Brazilian Superior War College. However, fighting a thousand personal battles, falling victim to all sorts of persecutions and to his poor health condition, and not having easy access to the mainstream media in his country, Graça Wagner failed to give greater publicity to what he knew about the Forum. Graça Wagner and Olavo de Carvalho planned to write together a book about the São Paulo Forum, but the project had to be put on hold because of a trip the journalist had to make to Europe. When Carvalho returned to Brazil, the health condition of his partner in enterprise had worsened, and not long afterwards Wagner passed away. Carvalho deemed that continuing to research and denounce the São Paulo Forum was a duty not only towards his professional conscience and his country, but also towards the memory of his friend, a remarkable patriot.
The hundreds of articles Olavo de Carvalho wrote about the Forum—published in his weekly columns in the daily newspapers O Globo (based in Rio de Janeiro), Jornal da Tarde (based in São Paulo), Zero Hora (from Porto Alegre), and also in Época magazine (without taking into account those published on his own media watch website Mídia Sem Máscara and on his personal website www.olavodecarvalho.org)—provoked the most rabid denials on the part of his own colleagues in journalism, including the managing editors of O Globo and Época, Luis Garcia and Paulo Moreira Leite.
His persistence in talking about that forbidden topic ended up closing the doors of these and other news outlets to him, besides winning him all sorts of personal attacks and innumerable death threats. Olavo de Carvalho found a last refuge in the São Paulo-based newspaper Diário do Comércio, a hundred-old publication endowed with financial and political independence.
Hostile reactions also came from Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva campaign and, later on, from Lula government itself.
The existence of the Forum was proof that Lula’s party had close ties with the Colombian narcoguerilla, the FARC. Unaware of the written sources on which Olavo de Carvalho based his denunciation, and thinking that he had received information about it secondhand through the Cuban exile Armando Valladares, Lula proclaimed that the existence of those ties was a myth created by “a charlatan from Miami.”
Meanwhile, Olavo de Carvalho published on his electronic media watch website Mídia Sem Máscara, both in the original Spanish and in a Portuguese translation, the minutes of the general assemblies and committee meetings of the Forum, copies of which had been obtained from the organization’s official website. These minutes offered proof that Lula had chaired meetings of the Forum in partnership with the FARC commander Manuel Marulanda. They also proved that senior leaders of Lula’s party ran a magazine for ideological propaganda, America Libre, in close association with the FARC.
In response, the Forum immediately took its own website offline. A new edition of it, expunged of the most incriminating facts, was put back online only six months later. But it was too late: the complete minutes had already been copied and publicized on Mídia Sem Máscara.
Concealing the existence of the Forum was so crucial at that point that the denial effort transcended Brazil’s borders. In October 2002, during a debate held at the Council on Foreign Relations, CFR’s Director of Latin American Studies, Kenneth Maxwell, and Luiz Felipe de Alencastro, columnist of the prestigious Brazilian weekly magazine Veja and professor of Brazilian history at the University of Paris, converged to deny the existence of the São Paulo Forum, or at least to assign it any political importance.
In November 2002, in an article published in the New York Review of Books, Maxwell persisted in denying the mere existence of the São Paulo Forum, which by then already gathered together more than a hundred members, constituting the largest political organization ever recorded in the history of Latin America.
But, of course, not all reactions in the United States were of this same tenor. On September 19, 2002, the renowned strategic analyst Constantine C. Menges sent Olavo de Carvalho a letter in which he essentially agreed with de Carvalho’s analysis of the São Paulo Forum (see http://www.olavodecarvalho.org/traducoes/carta_menges.htm ). Max Singer, senior fellow and former president of the Hudson Institute, gave identical support to Olavo de Carvalho. On September 15, 2005, when introducing the Brazilian journalist to an audience at Atlas Economic Research Foundation, Alejandro Chafuen, its president and CEO, said he considered Olavo de Carvalho’s studies on the São Paulo Forum the most remarkable achievement in political science which had come under his notice in many years. (A summary of the lecture Olavo de Carvalho delivered on that occasion can be found at http://www.olavodecarvalho.org/palestras/palestra_atlas_set2005.htm. Olavo de Carvalho also gave lectures about the Forum at the Hudson Institute, Georgetown University, America’s Future Foundation and the 2006 Intelligence Summit, see, for example, http://www.olavodecarvalho.org/english/texts/neocommunist_rise.htm).
In 2005, however, the founder of the São Paulo Forum himself and then Brazilian president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva publicly admitted that the organization existed and was about to take power on the Latin American continent, as indeed it came to pass as Lula himself, Hugo Chávez, Nestor Kirschner, and other members of the São Paulo Forum ascended to the presidency of their respective countries, and as the systematic dismantling of the opposition parties got started. In an official speech delivered on the occasion of the fifteenth anniversary of the São Paulo Forum, Lula, at that time already president of Brazil, categorically stated that Hugo Chávez’s rise to power and his successive victories against Venezuelan opposition had been secret operations of the São Paulo Forum coordinated directly by Lula himself from Brazil.
However incredible it might seem, the speech in which Lula made this confession—though an official pronouncement of the president, and though stamped with the endorsement of the author on the website of the presidency—was totally withheld from the public by the Brazilian mainstream media.
The American media also had a shameful attitude in this episode. Against this and much other documentary evidence, they kept insisting that Hugo Chávez alone posed danger to continental security while Lula personified the exact opposite, being the very type of a democratic leader, a friend of the legal system and of the United States. Even the most lucid American commentators persisted in seeing only a hand, separately from the arm that moved it. In 2001, on a visit to the Washington Times, Olavo de Carvalho, trying to explain the true dimensions of the São Paulo Forum phenomenon to one of the editors of the newspaper (whose name we will not mention here out of charity), was greeted with a wry smile followed by complete silence on the subject.
Gradually, some few Brazilian journalists eventually realized the big lie about the São Paulo Forum and recognized that Olavo de Carvalho had been right all along, helping to spread the denunciations he had first made. Among these are the Brazilian bloggers Graça Salgueiro, Heitor de Paola, and Paulo Zamboni. Salgueiro, counting with no political support and only with her own financial resources, but working closely with Olavo de Carvalho, was able to build a huge network of contacts that makes her blog notalatina.blogspot.com.br one of the best sources of information about Latin American politics and narcoguerilla, receiving a very complimentary message from former Colombian president, Álvaro Uribe Velez. Heitor de Paola wrote an excellent book about the São Paulo Forum called O Eixo do Mal Latino-Americano (The Latin American Axis of Evil), and Zamboni organized an anthology of articles on the same topic called Conspiração de Portas Abertas (The Open Conspiracy). Not long afterwards the denunciations about the Forum started to get more attention when the columnist Reinaldo Azevedo, one of the most widely read journalists in the country, began to openly express his agreement with Olavo de Carvalho in his weekly column in Veja magazine.
In 2006, the wall of silence was beginning to show serious cracks. On May 14 of that year, the prestigious and hundred-year old São Paulo Chamber of Commerce held a series of debates on the topic of “Democracy, Liberty, and the Rule of Law,” in which participants as important as the former Uruguayan President Luis Alberto Lacalle, the former Ecuadorian Minister of Foreign Relations, Edgar Terán, and the Venezuelan presidential candidate Alejandro Peña Esclusa gave total confirmation to what Olavo de Carvalho had been saying about the São Paulo Forum.
In official circles and major media outlets, however, the intransigent attitude of denial regarding the Forum only gave in, granting a complete victory to Olavo de Carvalho, when the Forum itself, having already almost completely dominated the political scene in Latin America, decided that keeping a secret about itself was no longer necessary and, making a 180-degree turn, began to publicly flaunt its glories. This started happening through the publicity videos of III National Congress of the Workers’ Party in 2007.
Recognizing the status of the Forum as the central strategic coordinating body of almost two hundred leftist organizations (including legal parties and criminal mobs), these videos proved beyond any possibility of doubt that Olavo de Carvalho had told the truth and that all the mainstream media, with the help of the entire establishment, had lied.
At that point, the São Paulo Forum had been active for 17 years, during which, under the protection of this immense curtain of silence, it had been able to discreetly grow, away from any public scrutiny, and almost monopolistically dominate Latin American politics.
More recently, even high official circles have recognized the existence of the São Paulo Forum. In 2010, during a debate on Globonews TV, the former Brazilian Minister of Foreign Relations of the Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration, Luiz Felipe Lampreia, acknowledged that the São Paulo Forum is today the great center for coordinating the power in Latin America, being therefore responsible for disastrous changes in the direction of Brazil’s and other countries’ foreign policies (see http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iAX791OxSq4 ). Paulo Roberto de Almeida, a member of the Brazilian diplomatic service, manifested a similar opinon in the review of the Ministry of Foreign Relations (see http://www.scielo.br/pdf/rbpi/v53n2/09.pdf).
In a message sent to the 2007 meeting of the São Paulo Forum, the FARC said that the foundation of that organization had saved the Communist movement from extinction in Latin America, opening up most promising prospects for Communist domination on the Latin American continent. And the merit for this, the message assured the Forum, was entirely due to Lula and his Workers’ Party.
Besides his journalistic battle, Olavo de Carvalho also develops an important work as an educator and philosopher. His philosophy course is followed by thousands of Brazilian students who see in him the best hope for a Brazilian cultural rebirth after the mental devastation wrought in the country by its leftist government. But, by itself, his battle for the truth in the case of the São Paulo Forum is enough to make him worthy of public recognition. In the annals of universal journalism, there has never been a similar case in which an overwhelming moral victory is obtained by a virtually isolated journalist against the stubborn resistance of a country’s entire mainstream media, its federal authorities, and against powerful international bodies like the Council on Foreign Relations.
During a meeting, which took place on January 8, 1989, Castro and leaders of the Brazilian Workers' Party decided that if Luiz Inácio Lula da SIlva did not win the Brazilian presidential elections at the end of the year, they would establish an international organization to spearhead and coordinate the whole Latin American left and bring the United States to its knees, which was Castro's life purpose, as he himself had stated many times. Knowing in advance about the fall of the Soviet Union, Castro foresaw that the future of the Communist revolution in Latin America would depend on unifying all left-wing parties, movements, legal and criminal organizations, and establish a supranational union on the continent, something that Hugo Chável would later name Union of Latin American Socialist Republics (in Spanish, URSAL).
The Chilean MIR (Movement of Revolutionary Left) kidnaps millionaire Brazilian businessman Abilio Diniz, keeps him prisoner for 6 days in a small room dug in the bottom of a well, and asks for a ransom of $30 million to fund its revolutionary activities against the Pinochet government.
In the first democratic elections in Brazil after 30 years of military dictatorship, the Workers’ Party emerges as a powerful political organization. However, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, its presidential candidate, lost in his first attempt to win the presidency, running against a somewhat unknown politician named Fernando Collor de Mello.
In the next year, both the Wokers' Party, Lula, and the Chilean Mir will be dicussing strategies for the Latin American left at the first meeting of an organization which will be known as the São Paulo Forum.
Convened by the Brazilian Workers’ Party in the month of July, the São Paulo Forum is founded and presided over by Fidel Castro and former Brazilian president (but then defeated presidential candidate and leader of the Workers’ Party) Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, with the avowedly purpose, in Castro’s words, of “reconquering in Latin America the empire that has been lost in Eastern Europe.” The first meeting took place in the city of São Paulo—hence the name of the organization—and gathered together representatives of 42 leftist political organizations, parties, and movements from all throughout Latin America. Among its members are:
National Liberation Army (Colombia)
Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC)
Alternative Democratic Pole in Colombia
Workers’ Party (Brazil)
Cuban Communist Party
Broad Front (Uruguay)
Socialist Party (Chile)
United Left of Peru
Free Bolivia Movement
Socialist Movement of Bolivia
Ecuadorian Socialist Party
Fifth Republic Movement of Venezuela (now the United Socialist Party of Venezuela)
Party of Democratic Revolution (Mexico)
Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (Nicaragua)
Guatemalan National Revolution Unit
Democratic Revolutionary Party of Panama
Lavalas Movement (Haiti)
In a document named “São Paulo Declaration,” the members of the Forum stated their goals, summarized their internal debates, and expressed their intention to “seek to advance agreed-upon proposals for taking unified action in the anti-imperialist and popular struggle.” From its inception the “Forum,” more than simply discussing issues and exchanging information, intends to plan, organize, and take action. Some paragraphs later, after proclaiming its rejection of a new form adopted by the old American imperialism, the members of the São Paulo Forum state that they seek to establish, “in contrast with the proposed integration under imperialist domination, the foundations of a new concept of unity and continental integration.”
Click here to read an English translation of the "São Paulo Declaration."
The second meeting of the São Paulo Forum is held in Mexico City, from June 12th to 15th, assembling 68 participants from 22 countries from all over Latin America. The meeting is convened by Mexico’s Party of Democratic Revolution and also is attended by 12 political parties and organizations from Europe, Canada, and the United States.
The SPF reaffirms its commitment to fight "American imperialism" and "neo-liberal economic policies" in a public statement called “Mexico Declaration” and expresses that it considers as it primary “duty of solidarity” “the defense of the sovereignty of Cuba and the making of efforts to thwart the plans of the American imperialist power against the Cuban Revolution.”
The third meeting of the São Paulo Forum is held in Managua, Nicaragua, by the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN). 61 left-wing political parties and movements from 17 Latin American and Caribbean countries and 60 guest organizations from North American, Europe, Africa, and Asia participate in the meetings of the umbrella organization.
The fourth meeting of the São Paulo Forum takes place in Havana. The spearhead of the Communist revolution in Latin America has grown in number in the period of one year. Now counting with 112 member organizations, the 1993 Forum's meeting is attended by 25 guest organizations from Latin American and 44 others coming from North America, Europe, Africa, and Asia. In its final declaration, the members of the São Paulo Forum renew their "condenation of the imoral and imperialist economic blockade agaisnt Cuba and make a committment to take serious political actions conducive to its lifting."
Lula, president and founder of the São Paulo Forum, is the Workers’ Party presidential candidate for the second time, running against Fernando Henrique Cardoso, of the Brazilian Social Democracy Party. Cardoso received 44% of the votes against Lula's 22%.
Olavo de Carvalho meets José Carlos Graça Wagner, an attorney from the city of São Paulo, who was the first man to research, document, and analyze the activities of the São Paulo Forum.
The fifth meeting of the São Paulo Forum is held in Montevideo, Uruguay, gathering 65 delegations from Latin America, North America, Europe, Australia and Asia. As 1993 and 1994 were general election years in many of the countries in Latin America, and as many of the members of the São Paulo Forum participated in the elections in their respective countries, a critical assessment of the various electoral processes is one of the main topics of the fifth meeting. To the Forum's members, the 1993 and 1994 elections manifested "the best overall results that left-wing parties have obtained so far," for "the political parties that are part of the São Paulo Forum have elected 300 Congressmen, 60 Senators, several governors, hundreds of mayors, thousands of city council members, totalling 25% of the electorate of their countries."
Hugo Chávez, then recently released from jail for his attempts to overthrow the Venezuelan government, travels to Montevideo to join the São Paulo Forum as a member.
The sixth meeting of the São Paulo Forum takes place in San Salvador.
The seventh meeting of the São Paulo Forum is held in Porto Alegre, Brazil. The Brazilian Landless Movement (in Portuguese, MST) and the Workers' Party were defined as arms of a single body, pursuing the revolution.
The eighth meeting of the São Paulo Forum is held in Mexico City.
Lula, president and founder of the São Paulo Forum, is the Workers’ Party presidential candidate for the third time.
The ninth meeting of the São Paulo Forum is held in Managua, Nicaragua.
Olavo de Carvalho first publicly mentions the São Paulo Forum in a foreword he wrote for A Face Oculta da Estrela: Retrocesso, Falsidade e Ilusões (The Hidden Face of the Star: Retrocess, Insincerity, and Illusions), a book by Adolpho João de Paula Coelho. In his foreword, titled "Making Essential Information Available Again," after explaining what Antonio Gramsci's strategy for cultural revolution is and how it has been successfully applied in Brazil, Carvalho points out that the goals of that strategy have been so well accomplished that, "today, it is in the assuredness, in the pompous and arrogant ease with which people who do not know anything about the subject assure us that Communism is a thing of the past while slavishly repeating Communist slogans (being unaware that they are Communist slogans) that lies the best guarantee that the plans announced by Fidel Castro at the São Paulo Forum will be conducted with the foolish complicity of millions of quiet and self-satisfied fools."
Recolocando em circulação informações essenciais (Foreword to a book, May 15)
In an article titled "What crime?," Olavo de Carvalho discusses the cultural and political reasons behind an attempt by a group of journalists and public prosecutors to block an investigation being conducted by the Brazilian Army into the connections between Brazilian left-wing movements and the FARC. According to Mr. de Carvalho, "If this [attempt] is not an act of revolutionary disinformation, in the best KGB style, then at least this is a substantial support that is offered, with prodigious unconsciousness and levity, to Fidel Castro’s plan of “reconquering in Latin America what was lost in Eastern Europe.” The “cultural revolution,” without encountering the the slightest resistance, has easily duped public opinion (after having numbed it for 40 years). So much so that the public now seem to take the allegations against the investigation at face value, without even wondering whether the crime under investigation is not a million times more serious than mere words, however offensive, found in an investigator’s report."
Qual é o crime? (Jornal da Tarde, August 30)
José Carlos Graça Wagner is interviewed by Diario Las Americas, a Miami newspaper, on the 2nd of September. Published on the first page, and titled "Nueva Guerra Fria en el continente dentro del marco del Foro de São Paulo" (A New Cold War in the Continent within the Framework of the São Paulo Forum), the interviewed brought expolosive information about the plans of the São Paulo Forum for Latin America and the so-called Princeton Pact, an agreement between the São Paulo Forum and the Inter-American Dialogue, a United States based think tank, in which both organizations decided to work together on a number of common goals for the Latin American left, among which were (a) the transformation of guerrillas into regular political parties, (b) the weakening of the military of the various Latin American countries, and (c) the crippling of the Catholic Church through Liberation Theology, since it was foreseeable that the Church would strongly oppose abortion rights and gay marriage.
The tenth meeting of the São Paulo Forum takes place in Havana and gathers together 518 representatives of left-wing movements and parties from 81 countries of Latin America, the Caribbean, North American, Africa, Asia, Australia, and Middle East. In a declariation issued at the end of the meeting, the members of the organization state that Cuba is a setting of "a high symbolic value, because of what that country represents for the left of the continent, because of its dignity, as an example of resistance and because of its steadfast commitment to the principles that guide the Forum."
On December 5, The Orlando Sentinel publishes a brief story ("Leftists Open Havana Meeting") about the 2001 meeting of the São Paulo Forum in Havana. The note says that "hundreds of left-wing politicians and activists from across Latin America began a four-day meeting in Havana on Tuesday in a bid to unite their efforts against U.S. and capitalist influence around the world. Cuban President Fidel Castro joined 400 delegates at the opening of the 10th meeting of the Sao Paulo Forum."
Also in the same month, the Minuteman Institute for National Defense Studies publishes a "strategic warning" about the São Paulo Forum in which it is stated that: "The member organizations of the Sao Paulo Forum include several that are on the U.S. State Department's list of active terrorist groups, including the Colombian FARC (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias Colombiana) and ELN (Ejercito de Liberacion Nacional); the Peruvian MRTA (Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement) and the Chilean MIR. In addition to the groups listed below, Granma Internacional, the official newspaper of the Cuban Communist Party, is reporting the attendance of Zuhair Dhaif, head of the Latin America Division of the Iraqi Baathist Party, and an unnamed Libyan representative at the Tenth Session of the Sao Paulo Forum in Havana."
On the 22nd, The Weekly Standard publishes "Brazil's Nut," an article by Dr. Constantine C. Menges in which he discusses Brazilian presidential candidate Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's ties with Castro and Latin American terrorrist organizations and the significance fo the American national security of his likely victory in the October 2002 presidential election. Among other things, Dr. Menges states that "Da Silva's Workers' Party has a history of extreme leftism and anti-market policies. Though da Silva has tried to moderate his image, this is clearly an electoral deception. The Workers' Party's candidate said recently, "our objectives continue to be the same, but the methods, the manner in which we reach that goal, have changed." We can believe that the Workers’ Party will be consistent in its anti-market, anti-American ideology and purposes."
Brazil's Nut (The Weekly Standard, July 22, 2002)
On August 2, 2002, Dr. Constantine C. Menges a senior foreign policy adviser to Ronald Reagan, a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, and one of the architects of Ronald Reagan’s effort to defeat the Soviet Union, publishes an article about the São Paulo Forum in The Washington Times. In his piece "Blocking a New Axis of Evil," Dr. Menges says that the then Brazilian presidential candidate Luiz Inácio Lula da SIlva "makes no secret of his sympathies. He has been an ally of Mr. Castro for more than 25 years. With Mr. Castro's support, Mr.da Silva founded the Sao Paulo Forum in 1990 as an annual meeting of communist and other radical terrorist and political organizations from Latin America, Europe and the Middle East. This has been used to coordinate and plan terrorist and political activities around the world and against the United States. The last meeting was held in Havana, Cuba in December 2001. It involved terrorists from Latin America, Europe and the Middle East, and sharply condemned the Bush administration and its actions against international terrorism."
In an article titled "Harvest Time," Olavo de Carvalho comments on the fact that nobody among the Brazilian political analysts and commentators has established any connection between the activities of the São Paulo Forum and the coming Brazilian presidential elections, in which all four main candidates share the same leftist ideology. Nobody but Liberation Theologian Leonardo Boff who, being full of high hopes for a future Communist Brazil, praises the new political reality of the nation by saying that with the coming election: “The time for the Brazilian revolution has arrived. The sowing has already been done. Now it is harvest time.”
A hora da colheita ("Harvest Time," O Globo, September 7)
Terrorrisms and Globalisms (Zero Hora, September 8, 2002)
Dr. Constantine C. Menges sends a letter to Olavo de Carvalho in which he agrees with the Brazilian philosopher's analysis of the São Paulo Forum.
Letter from Constantine C. Menges to Olavo de Carvalho (September 19)
On October 3, 2002, The Washington Times publishes an article about the São Paulo Forum by Deroy Murdock, a Senior Fellow with the Atlas Economic Research Foundation. "Brewing in Brazil" is an interview with Dr. Constantine C. Menges in which Dr. Menges discusses the likely victory of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in the presidential elections, his appetite for atomic bombs, his support of terrorism, his admiration for Hugo Chávez, and, last but not least, his role in the São Paulo Forum.
On the 15th, Lowell Phillips, a free-lance writer, political commentaror, and associate editor of Toogood Reports, publishes an article in which he expresses his concerns about the likely victory of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in the presidental run-off elections in Brazil. A Cuban-Venezuelan-Brazilian Axis could pose threats to American national security, especially through the São Paulo Forum: "There is likely a considerable Cuban intelligence effort ongoing to see to it that Luiz Inacio da Silva does indeed become the next president of Brazil. Da Silva's links to the Cuban dictator are well established. Along with Castro, he helped to create the Forum of Sao Paulo, which gathers representatives from communist, terrorist, and other revolutionary organizations annually to develop strategies against the United States and methods of securing power in their respective countries. Meetings draw emissaries from all points on the globe of varying philosophies, joined by their common hostility towards the U.S., and have included delegates from Saddam Hussein's Baathist Party." And he adds: "The growth of the Cuban-Venezuelan-Brazilian Axis could create massive problems for the U.S. That axis armed with nuclear weapons would radically alter the global power structure. A Castro-led, Marxist-inspired Latin America with a credible nuclear deterrence, allied with Communist China, Middle Eastern terror organizations and their sponsors, along with South American narco-terrorists would constitute a greater danger to the United States than the Soviet Bloc during the Cold War. The recklessness of the players, the wildly divergent objectives and the historic instability of the region would be a volatile mix."
Marxist-Inspired Cuban-Venezuelan-Brazilian Axis Could Create Massive Problems for U.S. (Toogoodreports.com, October 15, 2002)
Olavo de Carvalho publishes the following articles on the Brazilian press:
Entrevista com o meu vizinho ("Interview With My Neighbor," Zero Hora, October 6)
Qualquer coisa e o Sr. Summa ("Anything and Mr. Summa," O Globo, October 19)
A vitória do partido único ("The Victory of the Single Party," Jornal da Tarde, October 21)
On October 27, the Workers' Party candidate and co-founder of the São Paulo Forum, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, wins the run-off and is elected president of Brazil for the first time.
Luiz Felipe Alencastro, columnist of the prestigious Brazilian magazine Veja and professor of Brazilian History at the University of Paris, Sorbonne, participates in a pannel discussion, along with Kenneth R. Maxwell, Nelson and David Rockefeller senior fellow for Inter-American Studies and CFR's Director Latin of America Studies, on the topic of "Brazil: Political and Economic Challenges Facing the President-elect and the Implications for U.S. Policy in Latin America" held at the Council on Foreign Relations in Washignton, DC, on October 30, 2002. Answering a question posed by a member of the audience about the relations between the Brazilian Workers' Party and the São Paulo Forum, Professor Alencastro says: "We never heard about this Foro de São Paulo in Brazil. We don't know about it, and it's crazy how that thing grow up and became, that's one journalist known as a guy very conservative from extreme right, who writes in a weekly in Rio, who started with that thing. We never heard about that." Maxwell, on the other hand, does ackowledge the existence of the São Paulo Forum: "Of course, that there is a forum, I mean, and there was a meeting in Havana late last year, where, I think, Lula went and Castro was and so on. And there have been these connections. The part of the extreme, but the landless workers movement has enormous connections internationally on the left."
Olavo de Carvalho publishes more articles on the São Paulo Forum on three different Brazilian newspapers:
Lula e lulas ("The Many Faces of Mr. Lula,"O Globo, November 2)
O excelentíssimo ("His Excellency," Zero Hora, November 3)
Escolha temível ("Fearful Choice," O Globo,November 15)
Resumo da encrenca ("Summary of Our Trouble," Folha de São Paulo, November 18)
Mentiras concisas ("Concise Lies," O Globo, November 23)
The eleventh meeting of the São Paulo Forum is held in Antigua, Guatemala.
Olavo de Carvalho publishes one article about the Forum in the newspaper O Globo:
Metamorfoses ambulantes ("Walking Metamorphoses," O Globo, December 9)
Os minutos finais de um justo ("The Last Minutes of a Just Man," O Globo, March 8)
Transparent Roofs (Folha de São Paulo, April 28)
Quem pode contra isso? ("Who Can Take this On?," O Globo, June 23)
Honra temível ("Fearful Honor," O Globo, August 30)
The Minuteman Institute for National Defense Studies publishes another "strategic warning" written by Dr. Constantine C. Menges. "Strategic Warning: Brazil" is the complete paper out of which "Brazil's Nut," an artilcle Dr. Menges wrote for The Weekly Standard in July 2002, originated.
Olavo de Carvalho's article:
Simbiose Obscena ("Obscene Symbiosis," O Globo, February 7)
Mundo paralelo ("Parallel World," O Globo, March 5)
Falsas Omissões ("False Omissions," O Globo, May 1)
Desinformação colossal ("Colossal Disinformation," Zero Hora, July 11)
Desculpe, Dr. Menges ("I Apologize for My Fellow Brazilians, Mr. Menges," O Globo, July 2004)
Nada é o que é ("Nothing Is What It Is," Zero Hora, November 14)
Repetindo o aviso ("Repeating a Warning," Zero Hora, November 28)
Luiz Felipe de Alencastro, o sábio da Veja ("Luiz Felipe Alencastro, the Sage of Veja Magazine," February 2005)
Recado ao general ("Message to an Army General,"O Globo, March 19)
The twelfth meeting of the São Paulo Forum is held in São Paulo, Brazil.
Obviedades temíveis ("Dreadful Obvieties," Diário do Comércio, August 1)
Aí vem tudo de novo ("Here Comes Everything Again," Zero Hora, September 4)
Brazilian Left: From Victory to Defeat to Victory Again (A brief presentation delivered at the Atlas Economic Research Foundation, Washington D.C., September 15)
President Lula, guilty by confession (Diário do Comércio, September 26)
Apelo público ("A Public Appeal," September)
São Paulo Forum: The Backbone of Communism and Terrorism Spread in Latin America (Aleksander Boyd Interviews Olavo de Carvalho, VCrisis, November 21)
Neocommunist Rise: The São Paulo Forum and the Strategical Unity of the Latin-American Left (Presentation delivered at the Intelligence Summit 2006,Arlington, VA, February 17 to 20)
Um negócio quase honesto ("An Almost Honest Business," April 13)
O dever que nos espera ("The Duty Awaiting Us," Diário do Comércio, May 15)
Por trás da subversão ("Behind Subversion," Diário do Comércio, June 5)
Apelo urgente aos leitores brasileiros ("An Urgent Appeal to my Brazilian Readers," June 2006)
De quem é a festa? ("Whose Party This Is?," Diário do Comércio, October 5)
A prova cabal da mentira ("Final Proof of the Lie About the São Paulo Forum," Diário do Comércio, October 16)
Voto consciente ("Responsible Voting," censored by Zero Hora, October 29)
Sem novidades, exceto as piores ("No News Except the Very Worst," Diário do Comércio, October 30)
O Brasil de Bento XVI ("Brazil, According to Benedict the XVI,"Jornal do Brasil, January 11)
O Foro de São Paulo, versão anestésica ("The São Paulo Forum, an Anesthitic Version," Diário do Comércio, January 15)
Lição repetida ("A Repeated Lesson," Jornal do Brasil, January 18)
A palavra das Farc ("The Word of the FARC," February 14)
Salvando o comunismo ("Saving Communism," Inconfidência, March 2)
Cartas de um terráqueo ao planeta Brasil ("Letters From an Earthling to Planet Brazil,"March 20)
Top-top e fuc-fuc (July 23)
A maior trama criminosa de todos os tempos ("The Greatest Criminal Plot of All times,"Digesto Econômico, September)
Towards a Diagnosis of Latin America (Notes for a Lecture Delivered at the America’s Future Foundation, September 12)
Sem desculpa ("No Excuses,"Diário do Comércio, September 13)
O perigo sou eu ("I Am a Danger," Diário do Comércio, September 24)
Aprendendo com Peña Esclusa ("Learning From Peña Esclusa," Diário do Comércio, October 22)
Sonsice obrigatória ("Mandatory Stupidity,"Diário do Comércio, December 6)
Saindo do armário ("Coming Out of the Closet,"Jornal do Brasil, December 13)
O revolucionário aburguesado ("The Bourgeousified Revolutionary," Diário do Comércio, December 13)
Chega de discussão ("Enough Arguing Already," Diário do Comércio, January 16)
Digitais do Foro de São Paulo ("The São Paulo Forum's Fingerprints," Diário do Comércio, January 28)
Gillez, ou: A solução do enigma (GIlles or the Solution of an Enigma," Diário do Comércio, January 29)
A força do segredo ("The Power of Secrecy,"Jornal do Brasil, January 31)
Boicotando um herói nacional (Diário do Comércio, February 14)
Agora é tarde ("It Is Too Late Now," Jornal do Brasil, March 6)
Colaboracionistas ("Collaborationists,"Jornal do Brasil, March 13)
The fourteenth meeting of the São Paulo Forum takes place in Montevideo, Uruguay.
Read the final declaration of the fourteenth meeting.
Confusão e erro ("Confusion and Error," Diário do Comércio, May 9)
Os homens certos no lugar certo ("The Right Men in the Right Places,"Inconfidência, May 19)
Doméstica apaixonada (Jornal do Brasil, June 5)
Uma nova fachada do Foro de São Paulo ("The São Paulo Forum's New Façade," Diário do Comércio, June 9)
“Os” Intelectuais e seu modelo (" 'The' Intellectuals and Their Role Model," Jornal do Brasil, June 26)
Ofício proibido (Jornal do Brasil, July 17)
Falando às pedras ("Speaking to Stones," Diário do Comércio, August 1)
Por favor, me expliquem ("Please, Explain This to Me,"Jornal do Brasil, August 7)
Fora da lei ("An Outlaw," Diário do Comércio, October 23)
Da mentira à impostura ("From Lying to Imposture," March 26)
O deserto dos gringos ("The Desert of the Gringos," Digesto Econômico, July)
A OEA, órgão do Foro de São Paulo (Diário do Comércio, July 20)
Apostando contra o tempo (Diário do Comércio, August 21)
Olavo de Carvalho Explains Lula and the São Paulo Forum (Aleksander Boyd interviews Olavo de Carvalho, VCrisis, October 22)
Alex Newman interviews Olavo de Carvalho on Communism in Latin America (New American, March 15)
O passado no presente (Diário do Comércio, July 12)
Bandidos e poltrões (Diário do Comércio, July 23)
Rabo à mostra (Diário do Comércio,August 2010)
Grande Descoberta (Diário do Comércio, November 1)
Os barões (Diário do Comércio, December 1)
Ato de Rotina (Diário do Comércio, January 7)
Lição de diplomacia ("A Lesson in DIplomacy," Diário do Comércio, April 26)
Leftists Across Latin America Gather for São Paulo Forum Congress in Nicaragua (Christian Science Monitor, May 11).
A raposa e o tigre ("The Fox and the Tiger," Diário do Comércio, June 13)
Perguntas proibidas ("Forbidden Questions," Diário do Comércio, August 8)
Frivolidade Criminosa ("Criminal Frivolity," Diário do Comércio, August 25)
Saudades do jornalismo ("How I Miss Journalism," Diário do Comércio, April 23)
Demolindo Otávio de Ramalho (Mídia Sem Máscara, May 4)
South American Union Seeks Regional Law Enforcement (Alex Newman, The New American, May 7)
Depois do mensalão (Diário do Comércio,October 17)
O maior dos perigos ("The Greatest Danger of All," Diário do Comércio, October 24)
O óbvio esotérico ("The Esoteric Obvious," Diário do Comércio, October 31)
Regra geral ("General Rule," November 3, 2012)
Quem eram os ratos? ("Who Were the Rats?," Diário do Comércio, December 6)
O preço do colaboracionismo ("The Price of Collaborationism," Diário do Comércio, December 17)
Duas notas ("Two Notes," Diário do Comércio, January 8)